Jeff Fort Family Tree

As discussed in previous posts (here, here, here, and here), Jeff Fort was one of the most notorious gangsters in Chicago history. Like better-known Italian mob leaders such as Colosimo, Torrio, and Capone, he perceived arbitrage profits from government policy (primarily drug prohibition in Fort's case), then developed and managed a huge criminal distribution and marketing enterprise to exploit them. Also like other top gang leaders, he used ingenious methods to distract law enforcement and to massage political and community perceptions, and became a controversial community leader.

Fort was critical in establishing several important gang entities, including the Blackstone Rangers, the Black P. Stone Nation (a collection of local affiliated "stone" gangs), the People Nation (a national cartel of gangs including the BPSN as well as other lage organizations including the Vice Lords), and the El Rukns (a religiously-motivated gang). While the Italian mob in Chicago is today a mere shell of its former self, Fort's gangs, with the possible exception of the Rukns -- whose influence is nevertheless still felt -- are going strong.

It is not uncommon for gang members to draw their family into a criminal organization. Without the ability to enforce employment contracts through the court system the way legal businesses do, trust becomes a next-best substitute for formal contracts in underground industries. Ethnicity and common background engender some level of trust -- hence the fact that most gangs are composed of members of the same race or ethnicity -- but family ties are even stronger. Shirking and disloyalty to the gang in such cases thus means turning one's back on loved ones. In addition, family members of prominent criminals may face discrimination in the labor market (would you think twice before hiring someone named "Gotti"?), so non-gang opportunities become relatively scarce.

The Fort family exemplifies the role relatives play within a gang. Jeff Fort had seven brothers and three sisters, most of which are known to have been active in his criminal enterprise. He is believed to have fathered at least seven children, and two of these rose to leadership positions in the gang. In addition, nephews and even grandchildren have also been connected with criminal activity.


Brothers

• Andrew Fort (born c. 1959)

Active in developing the drug sales operations of the El Rukns in the 1970s and 1980s after Jeff Fort's release from prison in 1976. In 1986, convicted of the April 1985 murder of Robert "Dog" Johnson on Stony Island and 67th Place. Johnson, a former Rukn, had left the gang to deal drugs independently and was allegedly killed by Andrew Fort in a territorial dispute.

(Pictured: Andrew Fort, being arrested for marijuana possession in 1979 at the El Rukn Temple)

• Bennie Fort (born c. 1949)

Active in the Blackstone Rangers and BPSN during the 1960s and 1970s. Served two years in prison between 1968 and 1970 for aggravated battery. After release, rejoined gang and was among top leadership during Jeff Fort's first prison sentence, 1972-76. He apparently continued to be active in the El Rukns during the 1980s, and in 1982 was involved in a physical altercation with a woman in a dispute over ownership of a television set. The woman called police, and while accusing Bennie Fort of aggravated battery, also fingered him as the killer in a murder a few months before, a bar fight that ended in the death of Darryl Poindexter. Fort went on trial for the slaying, but after some witness intimidation by his brothers Eugene and Johnny Lee (see below), was acquitted. He did serve two years in prison for the woman's battery, however.

Televisions were bad news for Bennie Fort. In June 1988, a fellow El Rukn, Perry Squire, sold a broken TV to Fort for $40. Fort managed to repair it, and when Squire saw his broken set working again, he insisted it be returned to him. Fort refused, but a few days later, the television was stolen, and Fort confronted Squire about it. An altercation ensued, during which Squire stabbed Bennie Fort to death.

• Eugene Fort (born c. 1951)

A low-level enforcer in the Rukns. Along with Johnny Lee Fort, he was involved in intimidating witnesses during Bennie Fort's 1983 murder trial. On July 14, 1983, the day after police arrested Bennie Fort, Eugene and Johnny Lee Fort allegedly broke into the home of the woman who had accused him of the killing and threatened to kill her.

• James Fort (born c. 1962)

Drug dealer in the Rukns. Convicted of crack cocaine distribution and imprisoned in 1994.

• Johnny Lee Fort (born c. 1947)

The oldest of the brothers and the namesake of his father. Despite age, does not appear to have held high office in the gang, though together with Eugene Fort, was involved in intimidation of witnesses in Bennie Fort's 1983 murder trial (see above).

• Lawrence Fort (born c. 1960)

Ran one of the El Rukns' ancillary businesses in the 1980s, a security firm known as Security Maintenance Services, Ltd. The firm was unlicensed, and Fort was arrested as part of a police sting operation at McCormick Place. Pled guilty in the case to operating a security firm without a license, and carrying an illegal firearm.

Sisters

• Pee Wee Fort (born ?)

Active in El Ruks during 1980s. In 1985, Yonava Eason and two girlfriends were walking down a street when they saw Andrew Fort (above) and David Carter, both El Rukns, open fire on Robert "Dog" Johnson. Eason picked Carter's photo from a lineup, but when asked to testify in court, recanted her identification. Andrew Fort was convicted, but without Eason's testimony, Carter went free. Later, in 1991, Eason admitted she had changed her testimony after being threatened out of court by Pee Wee Fort, who told her she "better not testify". "My family was more important to me than telling the truth in that courtroom that day," she said.

Carter was convicted of murder, but eventually had his sentence reduced to 8-1/2 years on narcotics distribution charges, based on prosecutorial misbehavior. Prosecutors in the case had allowed gang snitches to use drugs, liquor, and to have sex with their wives and girlfriends while under state guard.

• Merriam Rice (neé Fort) (born ?)

No known gang activities in Chicago. Today is an anti-gang activist, working alongside former Gangster Disciples leader K.G. Wilson in inner-city Minneapolis, who is involved in street preaching and anti-violence community organizing. See this article for details. The Disciples are the chief Chicago rivals of the BPSN, and form the core of the "Folk Nation", a gang cartel organization rival to Fort's "People Nation"; hence, Rice's work with Wilson is significant. Wilson said,

I heard Jeff Fort had a sister here. I introduced myself and told her to come out with me. She did, and she's been with me ever since. Here I am, an ex-chief of the Black Gangster Disciples, and God gave me the sister of Jeff Fort. I think that allows us to show people that this gang thing is garbage.

[Thanks to Otto Sotnak for the tip about Merriam Rice, which inspired this post.]


Children

• Antonio Fort (born c. 1966) (also known as "Prince Akeem")

Believed to have been among top Chicago-based leadership of the El Rukns during the 1980s (Jeff Fort commanded the gang from prison in Beaumont, Texas, for most of the period), Antonio Fort was the target of the arrest warrant police used to infiltrate and eventually demolish the El Rukn Grand Major Temple and mosque headquarters on 39th and Drexel in 1989. Antonio Fort was apparently not fully loyal to the gang (possibly under the influence of a substance abuse problem), leading Jeff Fort to direct "drummings" [beatings] of his own son by fellow gang members as punishment on at least two occasions.

In the early 1990s, Antonio Fort is believed to have led a large Stones set the South Shore neighborhood (colloquially known as "Terror Town" during the gang's reign). Between 1992 and 1996, he served a prison sentence for conspiracy to purchase cocaine in Evanston. His release may have created a power struggle in the gang; in any case, his body washed up on the shore of Wolf Lake, separating Illinois and Indiana, in March, 1997.

• Watkeeta Valenzuela Fort (born c. 1970) (also known as "Prince Watkeeta")

In the power vacuum left after the government takedown of the Rukns in the late 1980s, Valenzuela came to power, leading one of the major Stones sets which controlled the Englewood neighborhood, with headquarters at 54th St. and Bishop St. (pictured at the top of this post). Valenzuela led the Stones in violent clashes with the Gangster Disciples gang, which also tried to move in on Rukn territory on the South Side during the early 1990s. In March, 1997, he pled guilty to running a cocaine trafficking operation, telling the court "I was born into this. I had no other choice."

Valenzuela is believed to have remained the closest of his siblings to father Jeff Fort, and to have incorporated much of the quasi-Islamic religious aspects of the Rukns in the 1990s Stones sets. His followers called themselves "Moes", a reference to the "Moorish Science" tenants of the Rukns. That name is still common among some factions.


Others

• Eugene Fort, nephew and son of Eugene Fort, brother (born c. 1972)

Active in Minneapolis crack trade during the early 1990s. Was chief suspect in 1990 murder of 11-year old boy Marcus Potts, who was at home alone while his house was being burglarized. A trail of footprints in the snow from the boy's home led police back to Eugene Fort's house, where traces of the boy's blood were found. However, the evidence was not strong enough to convict in court, and so the case was not brought to trial for 15 years, when DNA testing technology had advanced to the point where the blood could be more authoritatively matched. Eugene Fort was convicted of murder in 2007, though a new trial was briefly considered in 2007 based on the apparent jailhouse confession of his cousin Paul Rice. However, Fort's conviction was upheld.

• Paul Rice, nephew and son of Merriam Rice, sister (born ?)

After the conviction of his cousin Eugene Fort in the murder of an 11-year old boy, Rice supposedly bragged to jail inmates that he had "killed a little boy" on at least two occasions. On this basis, Eugene Fort received a hearing to determine whether a new trial was warranted, though Fort's conviction was subsequently upheld.

• Antonio Fort, grandson and son of Antonio Fort, son (born c. 1987) (also known as "Peanut")

Allegedly involved in 2002 mob beating that made national news. Jack Moore and Anthony Stuckey were driving drunk and high through the Oakland neighborhood, and crashed their van into a house on Lake Park Ave., where three young women were sitting. The crash injured the women, killing one. A crowd of men who were nearby at the time of the wreck dragged Moore and Stuckey out of the van and beat them to death on the street. A police officer who arrived on the scene to break up the violence claimed that Antonio was a leader of the vigilante mob, and had personally attacked Moore and Stuckey.

At trial in 2003, Antonio Fort testified that he arrived on the scene after the violence had already begun, and that he left quickly when he heard his mother calling him. Fort was acquitted. Reports indicate he is not closely associated with the Stones.

138 Years of Murder in Chicago

Unlike other posts on this site, this one focuses not on a single crime scene or an historical account of one or two individuals, but instead summarizes the facts on over a century of murder in Chicago. One of the main purposes of this blog is to understand Chicago's historic and modern reputation for crime, and comparisons over time can be illuminating.

The figure above shows the city's murder rate, expressed as murders per 100,000 residents, between 1870 and 2008. This gives a long-run summary view of homicide in Chicago over the last 138 years. I focus here on murder because, unlike rape, larceny, and other crimes, the likelihood of unreported victims is less severe with murder. The cops will eventually notice every corpse lying in the street, although it is true that some "accidental" deaths may actually have been murders, and some bodies are never found.

Data from 1931 to the present is drawn from the FBI's annual Crime in the United States, and is based on reports from local police agencies. Figures from 1870 - 1930 are based on Chicago police department data processed by Homicide in Chicago, a project hosted at Northwestern University School of Law. All figures include both murders and non-negligent manslaughter.

Between 1870 and 1920, Chicago's crime rate grew at an essentially steady pace, reaching a peak of 10 per 100,000 in 1919. During this period, Chicago was growing in population and density. High population density is typically associated with greater crime rates for several reasons. First, in small towns, every face is familiar, but in large cities, criminals are less likely to be recognized by witnesses. Realizing a lower likelihood of being caught, criminals commit more crimes. Second, crime pays better in cities, because there are more people to rob -- there's no point in becoming a robber in the first place if you can't hit lots of targets. Finally, and especially relevant to Chicago during this period, big cities attract large communities of poor immigrants with few prospects for legal employment. Criminal, on the other hand, is a profession open to all.

With the onset of national Prohibition in 1919, many of these immigrants gained lucrative employment in the bootlegging field, and for the first few years of the 1920s, at least, murder rates fell by nearly 50%. But as the various parts of Johnny Torrio's syndicate began falling apart in 1924, culminating in the murder of Torrio's north side associate Dion O'Banion, likely at the hand of his south side associates, the Genna brothers, Chicago's "Beer Wars" began, and the murder rate skyrocketed by 250% between 1923 and 1928. Also around the same time, the notoriously-violent Al Capone took over full control of Torrio's organization in 1925.

Even as Prohibition ended in 1931, murder rates remained high throughout the early 1930s, the worst years of the Great Depression, before falling below 5 per 100,000 in 1943. No doubt the massive mobilization of American men out of Chicago and into military companies in army barracks and overseas locations played no small role in the low murder rates of the early 1940s -- men have traditionally constituted the vast majority of both murderers and murder victims.

After WWII, Chicago's murder rate again began to climb as the city continued growing in size until around 1950. The city's demographics also changed during this period, as increasing automobile ownership and better highways allowed families seeking larger homes to commute from the suburbs, while younger cohorts without children remained in the city (most murderers are drawn from the ranks of 17-24 year olds).

Between 1943 and 1965, Chicago's murder rate rose at a roughly constant rate, increasing by 1 per 100,000 about every three years. However, between 1965 and 1970, the murder rate rose much more dramatically, increasing from 11 per 100,000 in 1965 to 24 per 100,000 in 1970.

Why did the murder rate rise so quickly in the late 1960s? Some point to stricter standards for policing and stronger rights for accused criminals during this period, symbolized by the Miranda case in 1966, in which the Supreme Court ruled that the police must inform arrested persons of their rights before interrogating them. Criminals facing a lower probability of punishment rationally commit more crimes.

There is also some evidence that the generation born after World War II had substantially poorer family formation rates, with an increasing share of children growing up in single-parent households. As I've written elsewhere, as these children reached their late teens and early adulthood -- when offense rates are highest -- in the late 1960s, the quantity of violent crime rose proportionately.

Another potential factor in the growth of crime during this era was the changing consumption patterns and legal status of drugs. The use of heroin and psychodelic drugs increased during the 1960s as production and transportation costs fell, and these drugs also become especially popular among enlisted men and counterculture communities. The pharmacological effects of increased drug consumption -- at least among the class of drugs popular during this period -- on violence are debatable. However, increased usage also led to substantially greater levels of enforcement. Federal prohibition on heroin stretches back to the 1910s, but LSD only became illegal in 1966. Arrests for drug crimes, which were exceptionally rare before 1965, skyrocketed afterwards. With prohibition comes incentives for violence between customers, dealers, and suppliers, who can no longer depend on the courts and police to enforce contracts and mitigate violence.

The war on drugs continued through the 1970s and 1980s. Especially prominent as a source of crime is the arrival of crack cocaine in the mid-1980s. Crack was an immediately and immensely popular drug, and its arrival in Chicago kicked off massive and bloody turf wars among rival drug-selling organizations (primarily street gangs) for control of retailing markets in the city.

While crack consumption has not waned much since the 1980s, boundaries between rival sellers have largely been settled. Thus, the end of the "crack epidemic" coincided with big declines in Chicago's murder rate. In the mid-1990s, the murder rate in Chicago (and nationwide) fell dramatically, declining below 50% of its 1992 peak by 2004. Besides the end of the crack epidemic, there are potentially several causes for this remarkable turnaround.

In other cities, such as New York, declines in crime have been attributed to substantial increases in the number of police on the street and to creative policing strategies. Chicago, however, saw little change in the size of its police force, and "broken windows" and other techniques were slow in gaining acceptance at the CPD, although greater efforts towards community engagement, such as the CAPS program, did begin in the early 1990s.

Imprisonment rates also increased during this period, with Illinois holding 27,516 prisoners in 1990 and 45,281 in 2000. With more criminals behind bars, there are fewer on the street committing crime. In addition, an increased likelihood of a lengthy prison sentence likely deters some would-be criminals.

Finally, and most controversially, some researchers have recently pointed to the role of legalized abortion in the evident decline in crime during the 1990s. While some states legalized abortion procedures before 1973, Illinois and most other states saw legalization after the Supreme Court's famous Roe v. Wade decision that year. A large share of women seeking abortions do so because they feel unprepared to raise a child -- and no doubt many of them in fact are poorly prepared for motherhood. After the legalization of abortion, this theory argues, many children, who would have been raised in high-risk environments, were never born. This "missing cohort" would have reached their late teens and early 20s during the early 1990s; thus, the decline in murder rates in the 1990s may be partially due to the fact that many would-be murderers were never born.

The statistical evidence regarding this theory is controversial and, in many places, contradictory. Nevertheless, it is difficult to doubt that at least some of the decline in Chicago's murder rate during the 1990s is due to legalized abortion.

By 2008, Chicago's murder rate was 18.03 per 100,000, roughly the same as it was in 1967. Nevertheless, the city's rate is substantially higher than some other large cities, including New York City (6.3 per 100,000) and Los Angeles (10.0 per 100,000). On the other hand, Chicago is relatively safe compared with Philadelphia (23.0 per 100,000), Detroit (33.8 per 100,000), and Gary, Indiana (73.2 per 100,000).

El Rukn Leader Jeff Fort's Home

After serving a prison sentence for misappropriating funds from a federal government grant, Jeff Fort, the founder of the Blackstone Rangers (later the Black P Stone Nation) returned to Chicago in 1977 and began rebuilding his criminal empire, ingeniously disguising its purpose behind that of a religious and community organization, the El Rukns.

Fort was also at the head of a gang-owned property holding company, the El Pyramid Real Estate and Maintenance Corp., which owned a building previously located on this lot at 6417 S. Kenwood Ave. Fort's made the building his home and personal headquarters, occupying an apartment on the third floor, from which he directed the gang's massive drug operations, as well as its other criminal businesses.

The building was originally constructed in 1925 as the Kenrose Hotel, with 150 rooms, most rented out to long-term apartment tenants. As the rooms were studios, the majority of the Kenrose's guests were adult singles and divorcees; thus, the Kenrose was frequently in the newspapers for various love triangles gone bad over the years.

In 1949, an expert con man named William Carlson moved into the hotel, and soon began charming the young women with claims he was a retired Marine colonel and a war hero. Eventually, he proposed marriage to two different lucky girls (ignoring the fact that a warrant for his arrest on child abandonment charges had already been issued by Mrs. Lulu Carlson, his real wife, who lived in Kenosha, Wisconsin). After absconding with several thousands of dollars from his new lovers' bank accounts, he was apprehended and imprisoned.

The very same year, another true gentleman, Henry Benson, checked into the Kenrose while in Chicago attending his sisters' funeral. Benson's wife in Flushing, New York, had recently left him, taking the children with her, so while in Chicago, he telephoned an old girlfriend in town, Miss Dorothy Stone. The two went out on the town for a long night of drinking before returning to Benson's room at the Kenrose. There, an argument began about one of Stone's old lovers, at which point Benson took off his shoes and beat his drunken girlfriend into unconsciousness. He then climbed into bed and slept off the hangover. When he awoke and found Miss Stone still on the floor where he left her, he washed the blood off her, tucked her into bed, and casually told the hotel clerk a physician might be needed as he checked out. Miss Stone died a few hours later, and Benson went to prison on murder charges.

So the building had a long history of criminal activities, but nothing like what arrived after the Woodlawn neighborhood's economic deterioration in the 1960s. In 1969, the Kenrose burned, though apparently there was enough of the building left to continue occupancy as an apartment building. During a 1970 "back-to-school" parade by the Black P Stones, the Stones' major rivals, the Gangster Disciples, opened fire with a shotgun, wounding three marchers, including one who lived at the old hotel. Two years later, Fort was in prison for misusing money from a government grant intended for community development the Stones had received.

(Pictured: Black P Stone back-to-school march along 63rd St., in August, 1970)

By 1981, Fort was out of prison, and his El Rukn gang controlled vast stretches of Southside drug territoriy. The gang's specialties were two drugs known as talwin and pyrabenzamine, commonly known as "Ts and Blues", which when combined and injected, produce a similar sensation to heroin, though at a substantially lower price than that drug, making them attractive to denizens of the economically depressed neighborhoods where the gang operated.

With their drug earnings, Fort led the gang into prostitution, protection ("street tax"), and labor racketeering, as well as real estate and politics. The El Pyramid Corp., which ran the real estate operations, was known for intimidating building owners into selling at below-market rates. It is not known if this was the case with the old Kenrose building, however. Fort, who demanded his followers call him "Prince Malik," and who paraded around town in a long fur coat adorned with heavy gold jewelry, bragged to the media that the police would never put him in jail.

In 1981, however, events took place that would eventually lead to Fort's downfall. Fort ordered a hit on the leader of another gang, Willie "Dollar Bill" Bibbs. Bibbs' gang represented competition for the Rukns, and, moreover, he called his gang the "Stones," impinging on Fort's "copyright" on that name for criminal operations. Fort sent Earl Hawkins, a top Rukn lieutenant, to organize the killing. "Shoot anybody that's out there! No, my brothers, I'm not a madman," Fort told Hawkins before a group of El Rukns. "Let's do it!" In June, 1981, Bibbs was shot by Hawkins and another Rukn outside a 43rd Street bar.

Police traced the shooting to Hawkins, and in October of that year, they entered the building at 6417 S. Kenwood with a warrant for his arrest. When the police entered the hallway where Hawkins was holed up with Fort, Fort sprinted down the hall and threw a 9 mm pistol and $8,000 in cash down a stairwell. The Rukn leader was arrested on weapons charges and harboring a fugitive. After a lengthy legal fight, Jeff Fort agreed to plead guilty and received a 90 day sentence in County jail.

While serving his sentence, evidence collected at his home during subsequent raids was used to indict Fort on federal narcotics trafficking charges, which eventually led to his imprisonment at Bastrop, Texas. This did not stop Jeff Fort from leading the Rukns, as he continued to hold sway over the gang by telephone from prison. For years, police knew that Fort was continuing to run the gang through an elaborate and intricate set of codes he used in telephone conversations with his generals back in Chicago, but law enforcement was unable to crack the code.

That is, until 1986, when Earl Hawkins was sentenced to death for his murderous role in the El Rukn gang, including his killing of Willie Bibbs. In return for his life, Hawkins turned state's witness against his former boss, and explained to investigators the meanings of Fort's complex coded statements. When interpreted, Fort's own words implicated him in a number of contract murders, as well as, fantastically, a plan to commit terrorist acts in Chicago on behalf of Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi. Though the plan didn't get far, it revealed for the first time to the public the level of sophistication in the Rukn organization, and the grand ambitions Fort held for the group.

With Hawkins' testimony, Jeff Fort, still imprisoned in Texas, was convicted in October 1988 for ordering Willie Bibbs' murder, and placed in isolation where he could no longer communicate with the Rukns in Chicago. Eventually, in 1995, he was moved to the Colorado SuperMax prison. Without Fort's leadership, the El Rukn gang crumbled, and the name fell out of use around 1990.

The old Kenrose building, already falling apart, was demolished during the early 1990s, and in 2001, a group of small, but attractive single-family homes was built along Kenwood Ave. on the lot where Jeff Fort directed the El Rukn criminal empire.

Bobbie Arnstein's Death at the Maryland Hotel

In January, 1975, the FBI's attempt to take down Hugh Hefner's Playboy empire on drug distribution charges effectively ended with the apparent suicide of the feds' key witness, former "bunny" Bobbie Arnstein, here at the Maryland Hotel, 900 N. Rush Street (now 40 E. Delaware Place).

The Maryland Hotel was built in 1928 with 300 rooms, and immediately became one of the city's most well-known institutions. Boasting a drug store, a restaurant, and a swinging dance club, there was ceaseless activity in the building.

The basement of the Maryland in the 1950s showcased some of the top entertainers and comedians of the day in "the swingingest show in town" at the famous Cloister Inn. There were typically three nighly shows, at 10 p.m., midnight, and 2 a.m. With jazz legend Ramsey Lewis leading the house band, popular acts that played the Cloister included Duke Ellington, Anita O'Day, Damita Jo, Buddy Rich, Art Blakey, Sally Rand, Redd Foxx, and Bill Cosby. Lenny Bruce had his first Chicago engagement there before moving on to the Gate of Horn club around the corner on State and Oak streets, where he was arrested and assaulted by police. Some period ads from the 1950s, enticing clubgoers with major acts including George Carlin, Della Reese, and Jim Backus (?):

In its 1950s heyday, Rush Street was packed with upscale nightclubs, cafes, and dance halls that kept the near North side swinging. Besides the Cloister, the Bambu, the Tradewinds, Mr. Kelly's, and The Happy Medium were some of the most popular clubs, and in just about any given week, one could hear performers there who today would be considered legendary, if they weren't already then.

Over time, however, the neighborhood began a slow decline. In 1960, the owner of the Cloister Inn faced a lien on his establishment due to unpaid taxes, and he sold to a new group, which renamed the basement club "The Celebrity Lounge." Great musical acts, including trombonist Si Zentner and the King Fleming Trio continued to play the Maryland throughout the early 1960s.

By the late 1960s, however, the North Rush Street area had taken on a distinctive seediness, and the small size of the Maryland's rooms, in comparison with those of more luxurious modern hotels, made it an especially unwelcome host for business and entertainment travelers. In time, most of the rooms became occupied by long-term tenants, who paid around $175 per month. The Celebrity Lounge closed and a dirty go-go club, the Rush Over, re-opened in that space, while an oyster bar, Alfie's, inhabited the first floor restaurant space. Alfie's eventually converted to a disco in 1974, offering "Plastic hanging plants, leatherette swivel chairs, some plaid upholstery....pulsating strobe lights and a mirrored ball," in the words of the Tribune's unimpressed reviewer.

Like the old Cloister Inn, The Tradewinds and Mr. Kelly's also closed, and seedier establishments such as an adult movie house and The Candy Store -- the latter of which was a strip club and thinly-disguised brothel -- took over all along Rush during the 1970s.

Given its hopping history, minor crime was commonplace at the Maryland throughout its history. Like any hotel, it had its share of unfaithful husbands seeking assignations and petty thefts. One in particular from the "I-think-there's-more-to-the-story-than-they're-letting-on" file, as described in the December 17, 1960 Tribune:

A woman in a fur coat invaded the ninth floor room of Robert Soley, 40, in the Maryland Hotel, 900 N. Rush Street, yesterday and fled with $20....Soley, a salesman from Cleveland, told police he awoke at 6:30 a.m. to find the invader rifling through his trouser pockets. He described her as an attractive blonde.

The Maryland was also involved in two of the major criminal scandals of the 1960s and 1970s. Starting in 1966, the proprietor of Alfie's, along with several other bars, strip joints, restaurants, and theaters in the Near North district, became subject to extortion by a rogue group of Chicago police calling themselves the "vice club." Officers demanded shakedowns on the order of $300 per month in return for not framing the paying clubs for selling alcohol to minors. The scheme, involving over 40 officers, was not discovered until 1972, when it became a major embarrassment for the city.

But it was suicide that brought the Maryland national headlines in 1975. Bobbie Arnstein was one of Hugh Hefner's Playboy bunnies, and his executive assistant at the Playboy Mansion, just a few blocks north of the hotel. By this time, Hefner was spending most of his time at his Beverly Hills mansion, but the Chicago mansion still housed the headquarters for the magazine empire. In 1974, Arnstein was arrested at the mansion on cocaine distribution charges, along with her boyfriend and another friend. Based on wiretap evidence, the feds charged that the entire Playboy empire, including Hefner's declining, but still popular chains of clubs, resorts, and hotels, was fronting for a massive illegal drug distribution operation.

When Miss Arnstein was convicted in federal court and sentenced to the exceptionally lengthy punishment of 15 years of hard time, the FBI decided to offer her immunity in return for blowing the cover off the drug ring -- and putting Playboy out of business.

While free on bond and awaiting appeal, Bobbie Arnstein received word that she was about to be subpoenaed by a grand jury investigating the alleged Playboy drug distribution scheme. Facing 15 years in the slammer, or ratting our her best friends and lover(s) at the mansion, she started to become unglued. State's Attorney (and future Illinois governor) James R. Thompson didn't help her mental state when he called Arnstein to his office and attempted to turn her against Playboy with claims of unmistakable evidence that Hefner had put a contract out on her life to keep her from talking.

Thus, on January 20, 1975, Bobbi Arnstein left the home of some friends after a dinner party and checked into a top-floor room at the Maryland Hotel under an assumed name. The next day, hotel staff broke into her double-locked room to find her dead, having overdosed on a combination of barbituates, sleeping pills, and valium. She left several notes to friends, including one which declared her innocence and loyalty to Hefner:

My immediate employer, Hugh Hefner, showed courage, perhaps to his own detriment, tho I hope not, and the kind of loyalty for which I hope -- even as I write this -- he is not wrongfully punished....I am innocent...despite the perjured testimony of the government's star witness, I was never part of any conspiracy to transport or distribute the alleged drugs connected with this case.

The day after her suicide, "Hef" flew to Chicago and called a press conference where he became emotional, complaining of a government "conspiracy to get me and Playboy," and blamed Arnstein's death on Thompson's prosecutorial ardor:

If she had produced evidence against me, she would never have been indicted. She was unjustly persecuted because of her relationship to me....There was no contract on her life....This is a politically inspired witch hunt.

Despite his denial, rumors continued to swirl that Arnstein's death was not entirely a suicide, and that Hefner or someone else at Playboy had her killed to stop her from testifying. Lending credence to these inuendoes was the similar apparent suicide of another bunny the year before, which also took place under unusual circumstances. Nevertheless, there has never come forth any probative evidence that Arnstein's death was anything more than it seemed. In fact, Arnstein had attempted suicide twice before, and it seems likely that she simply had a fragile nature, pushed to the breaking point by her conviction and looming prison sentence.

Without their potential lead witness against Hefner, the government turned to the two men arrested along with Arnstein on drug charges, offering them immunity for their testimony against Hefner and Playboy. Both refused, and in December, 1975, the investigation was dropped. Nevertheless, Bobbie Arnstein's death is remembered both as a sad consequence of the hedonism of the period, and of the government's zeal to prosecute those with alternative lifestyle choices.

(pictured: Bobbie Arnstein)

By 1980, the decline of the Rush Street district was complete; it had become something of a skid row on the Northside, and the Maryland was falling apart, literally. Of the 300 rooms, only 50 were occupied in July, when the hotel was sold to a group of far-sighted investors, who renovated the buildilng, combining rooms to create 87 plush condos, and adding the distinctive bay windows visible on the bulding today. They moved the entrance around the corner to Delaware Street; the previous main entrance was on the Rush Street side, near where the entrance to the high-end fashion shop Intermix is now.

Their investment turned out well, though it took a few years. Today, the adult theaters and SRO hotels are gone from the area, replaced by couture stores like Ikram and expensive boutique hotels like the soon-to-open Elysian. There are few signs of the swinging days of the Cloister Inn and Celebrity Lounge here today. The upscale clubs two blocks north, centered around Rush and Bellevue Place (recently, though universally, known as the "Viagra Triangle" for the prevalence of graying divorced men throwing cash at bleached blondes), offer only a faint echo of those that once brought some of the greatest musicians in history to Chicago. The seediness of the 1970s and 1980s-era Rush Street can be experienced to some degree at the top end of Rush, at Division St., where streetwalkers and drug-pushers mix with boozy carousers every weekend.

The basement of 40 E. Delaware Place, where jazz once blasted from the stage at the Cloister Inn, now holds bicycle storage for the residents of the upscale condos.

El Rukn "Temple"

The El Rukns were a gang of ruthless drug dealers and pimps operative between 1977 and 1990, who attempted to shield themselves from federal inquiry under the facade of a religious organization. Between 1985 and 1987, the gang even dabbled in international terrorism, allegedly traveling to Libya and meeting with agents of Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi to offer their services as domestic terrorists in return for money and weapons.

Jeff Fort founded the El Rukns upon his release from prison in 1977. Most of the gang leadership were comprised of select members of the gang Fort led during the 1960s, before his stint in prison, the Black P. Stones. The name "Rukn" refers to stones or rocks in Arabic. In 1977, Fort purchased a building at this location, 3947 S. Drexel, to serve as the new gang's headquarters, which he rechristened the "El Rukn Grand Major Temple". Here is a contemporary photo of the building during its Rukn heyday:


The building was originally constructed as a theater in 1915, and was one of the city's first film-only venues, as well as one of the city's largest theaters, offering over 1,000 seats. The Oakland Square Theater remained in business until the late 1960s, when the decline of the movie theater industry, plus the changing demographics of the neighborhood, forced its closure. Ironically, one factor in the owner's decision to close was the continuing extortion attempts by the Black P. Stones.

For a few years, the "Affro-Arts Theater" took its place, and served as a major community center, offering African-themed productions to the largely Black residents of the neighborhood. The Theater offered some major attractions; Mohammed Ali and Gwendolyn Brooks both appeared there at various times. The radical politics of the Theater's ownership (for example, Stokely Carmichael spoke there in 1968) created recurring clashes with Chicago police, who shut down the Theater several times for trumped-up building code violations, and eventually the Affro-Arts closed in 1971.

The building sat empty for several years, until it was seized by the county and sold at auction to the Rukns, who referred to it informally as "the fort". The Rukns wore fur coats and flashy hats, changed their names to include the word "el," and offered public fealty to their leader, Jeff Fort, who they called "Prince Malik". In fact, however, the Rukns were not really a religious organization at all (a federal judge ruled so in 1986, clearing the way for RICO indictments of its leadership), but a ruthless drug-selling gang with enormous ambitions. With about 250 members, the Rukns' core business was the marketing of various inexpensive pharmaceutical substitutes for heroin, and they controlled big portions of the South side as their sales district. Prostitution, protection, and labor unions were subsidiary operations.

As their success grew, they branched out into real estate, forming a subsidiary business, the "El Pyramid Corporation," to manage their property holdings, which they usually acquired by intimidating the owners into selling below market value. The Rukns also opened their own private security service, which they offered for use at major events. They even started their own non-accredited "law" school, by which gang associates could receive degrees; these "attorneys" could then privately visit gang members in jail to transmit orders from leadership on the outside.

El Rukns were also active in politics. In 1982, election commissioners were surprised to see a group of Rukns bring in thousands of new voter registrations -- acting like the community organization they claimed to be, instead of the predatory criminals the police said they were. However, the fact is that an Illinois State Representative from the Temple's district, Larry Bullock, had paid the Rukns $70,000 to campaign throughout the South side for incumbent Chicago mayor Jane Byrne in the Democratic primary. When the newspapers published the fact that a known criminal organization was supporting Byrne, her campaign disowned the Rukns, but the publicity damage was substantial, and Byrne lost in the primary to Harold Washington.

The Temple was continually raided by police throughout the 1980s, who usually had to use battering rams and acetylene torches to break through the thick steel doors the Rukns had installed, and in June, 1982, Jeff Fort and several other top Rukn leaders were arrested for drug distribution charges. Fort, with his previous convictions, was sent to lockdown at a federal prison in Bastrop, Texas, for a 13 year sentence. Fort's telephone privileges in prison were not, however, curtailed, and he continued to lead the gang throughout the 1980s, using a sophisticated system of secret codes by which he communicated back to the Temple.

By 1985, the government managed to turn a top El Rukn into a prosecution witness, which led to a major RICO investigation. In the next year, they cracked Fort's codes, in which the Rukns' five fundamental "principles," love, truth, peace, justice, and freedom, could be combined in various ways to form numbers.

What they found in those codes astounded them. As Fort's indictment stated, "the conspirators proposed to perform...violent acts in the United States on behalf of or at the direction of the government of Libya," although these proposals had not been carried particularly far. In 1987, Jeff Fort was sentenced to another 80 years for the Libyan plot. In addition, he was also moved to a SuperMax prison in Colorado from which he was unable to communicate with the Rukns in Chicago.

Without Fort, the gang suffered a serious lack of business acumen and leadership. Rukn leaders began using drugs (Fort had strictly prohibited the use of any substance stronger than marijuana), and infighting between rival factions led to bloody confrontations. The Rukns had always been vastly outnumbered by their major rival organization, the Gangster Disciples, and without Fort's leadership, the paucity of street-level manpower showed.

The police seized the Temple in 1989 and razed it to the ground in 1990. With the demolition of the Temple, the "El Rukn" name fell out of use and the gang split into several "stones" gangs, each of which controlled a small amount of territory. There were attempts in the 1990s by Jeff Fort's two sons to reconstitute the Rukns, but neither had anything like the leadership skill of their father, and these attempts failed.

The lot on which the El Rukn Temple stood remained empty for a decade, until a large, attractive private home was built on the site.